Miraculous Myths IV: Analysis of Orpheus in Ovid.
Ovid’s take on Orpheus
No transformation of Orpheus & Eurydice
in nova fert animus mutatas dicere formas
corpora,
my soul brings me to speak of figures changed into new
bodies (Ovid. Met.I.1-2)
Orpheus in other
sources
A way to
engage into the transformative pursuit of Ovid’s Orpheus is having a context the
descriptions of Orpheus by earlier writers. By engaging in this intertextual
analysis of Orpheus, we are better equipped to appreciate which aspects Ovid
highlights or even alters in comparison to his sources and peers. It is also a
way for me to incorporate a scheduled blogpost into this one, so we can dig
into the meat sooner: the review/analysis of Orphia and Eurydicius. Without any delay, let us discuss earlier
writings of Orpheus.
The mythological hero Orpheus is described in Greek sources quite
sporadically before the Hellenistic time. He is never mentioned by Homer or
Hesiod, gets mentioned several times by lyric poets like Pindar later on, and
even meets critique from Plato. These early mentions of Orpheus mainly involve
his status as a son of the muse Calliope and his artistry of playing the cither
(for an overview).
As pseudo-Apollodorus would later remark, he is a professional in the art of
cither playing with songs (ἀσκήσας κιθαρῳδίαν).
Sometimes, they even attribute a magical component to his music, being able to
entrance wild animals and even move inanimate objects like rocks and trees.
Classical poets like Simonides even refer to him as the greatest of all musicians
and poets.
Next to this status of musician and poet are the events that he partakes in, his role in the story of the Argonautica and his own descend to Hades. Plato is one of the earliest writers to mention that Orpheus went down to the underworld to save his wife (Symposium 179d). He is not very positive about that decision, calling Orpheus weak as fitting to a κιθαρῳδός (cither-player/singer) and criticising him for not having the guts to die for love like Alcestis. This mention of Alcestis is remarkable as the play of Euripides named Alcestis is the other early source mentioning Orpheus’s quest. Are Alcestis and Orpheus somehow linked? That’s hard to say as there are no other sources making this connection between the two. Anyways, Plato goes on to tell that Orpheus would not get to see his wife, only a φάσμα (“phantom”). Orpheus would receive his deserved punishment, according to Plato, for entering Hades alive in the form of dying afterwards by the hand of women. Hence, Plato refers both to the journey and failure of Orpheus Ovid describes in book 10 and his death by the Maenads described in book 11
His role as an Argonaut is mostly known from the writer of the epic Argonautica, Apollonius of Rhodes, from
the 3rd century BCE. This Hellenistic epic poem relates the journey
of Jason and the Argonauts on their quest to obtain the golden fleece (Stephen
Frye masterly elucidates the origins of the Fleece and the way it got to
Colchis in his book Heroes). The
importance of Orpheus in this work (although not frequently appearing) cannot
be underestimated, as the poet shows by naming him first in his list of heroes
that Jason assembled. Furthermore, he underlines Orpheus’s importance by
referring to the promise Jason made to Cheiron, the centaur that mentored Jason
during his youth. This foreshadowing of the plot, prolepsis, comes into fruition in book 4, when the Argonauts have
captured the golden fleece and are returning homewards. Orpheus is at that
point instrumental, for the Argonauts would not be able to pass by the island
called Anthemoessa without him. Here, the Sirens, well-known from their
appearance in Homer’s Odyssey, dwelled
and could only be conquered by the music and songs of Orpheus according to
Cheiron.
Interestingly, Apollonius doesn’t
convey Orpheus voice directly to the reader in his narrative. In book 1, during
the evening before the Argo is setting sail, there is a strife among the
assembled heroes. This strife is suggested to bleed out in violence amongst
them, hadn’t it been for Orpheus and his song. This song, though, is not
directly told to us, but indirectly (ἤειδεν δ᾽ ὡς - “he sang how…”, Apollon.
1.496). So we only get a glimpse of the subjects he’s singing about, the order
of things before Zeus ruled Olympus. This is in contrast to the words of the
heroes we were having an argument beforehand, those words were narrated
directly. It’s almost like Apollonius know his version of Orpheus’s words
wouldn’t measure up to the real thing. Likewise, when describing Orpheus’s feat
of diverting the Siren’s song in book 4, he only narrates about the actions,
there’s no mention of how the music and/or song sounded on either side.
Lastly, there’s also a contemporary peer who wrote about Orpheus and the rescue mission of his wife Eurydice (even using her name this time). It’s Vergil, who wrote about them in his book Georgica, a didactic poem centred on the theme of agriculture. In book 4, the book about the lives of bees and beekeeping, we are introduced to the character of Aristaeus. This hero is suggested to be the originator of beekeeping but in Vergil’s work he has recently lost his bees. To find the culprit, his mother (the river-goddess Cyrene) advises him to inquire with Proteus who can help him discover which deity he has made upset and must appease to return his bees. Proteus reveals it’s the nymphs for he caused Eurydice’s death by chasing after her. Then, the rest of the story is similar to that of Ovid’s including Orpheus’s quest to return Eurydice, his failure and his death by Maenads. Importantly, we don’t get to hear Orpheus’s song that he sang in the underworld like in Ovid. The only sounds Vergil’s Orpheus does utter are the words of his dying breath, the name of his wife “Eurydice."
Ovid providing the orphic voice
So to say that Ovid’s version of Orpheus’s song to Hades and
Persephone is the first actual representation of his words is not far off the
truth. How do we then appreciate the words of the poet whose words were
believed to have even moved rocks and trees? Frankly, they are quite dull.
While Apollonius gives us the impression of words that were finely tuned to the
music and spoke off greater themes like the origin of dominion among the gods, Ovid
provides a song that magnifies the god Love in epic hexameters. The song starts
by introducing Orpheus’s reason for coming, his dead wife, before glorifying
that Love is everywhere and his mean reason. The fact that he tries to
contribute love to Persephone’s abduction is kind of repulsive and even
disturbing in the Latin (famaque si veteris
non est mentita rapinae, vos quoque iunxit Amor – “and if the tale about
your old booty is not lied about, Love has connected you two as well.”) How
abduction (rapina) can be linked to
love except for Stockholm syndrome is a miracle to me. After his eulogy to
love, he uses the tactic of pleading, insisting that the two of them would
arrive at Hades anyways soon enough. And his ultimatum? To stay here anyways,
as he has no will to keep on living (an ultimatum he’s not going to fulfil when
he has lost Eurydice). It’s no wonder that that critics have deemed this song argumentatively
inept ( see this
article). It’s not wrong to say that the effect described by Ovid on the inhabitants
of the underworld is not hyperbolic. This is either a way to construe the ineptitude
of people of the underworld with culture from the living or to mock (as the
article suggest) Roman practices of rhetoric.
Antonio Salinas Regional Archaeological Museum,
Palermo, Sicily
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